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IMPROVING SCHOOL SUCCESS FOR FIRST NATIONS STUDENTS INTRODUCTION Research did not turn up any comprehensive and successful program models related to the questions pursued, so an examination of causal factors was made with a view to postulating what the characteristics of a successful model might be. The recommendations in the report are thought to be steps toward more success for First Nations students. However, many of the causal factors are related to the problems deeply rooted in history, society and politics, and are of a kind that are unlikely to be rectified overnight. This does not mean, of course, that they cannot be influenced to some degree by schooling. It was decided, then, to develop a set of goals and to then develop recommendation which might help move toward the goals. Some recommendations are of a kind that can be immediately acted upon with quick results, while others are longer term with changes taking place over time. To this latter end, recommendations are listed in order of priority with those having a more immediate payoff given the highest priority. By doing this, it is hoped that the focus will be on actions that are most likely to ameliorate First Nations student problems soonest. Research about causes is substantive even if it has not been applied in any controlled way to working educational models. There is no doubt that the continuing inability of First Nations students to succeed within the curriculum context of a public education system is not only related to the effects of cultural dissonance and racial stereotyping, but to other endemic and long standing problems. Economic poverty, lack of school success models within families, and the perceived lack of career opportunities are a few causes just as difficult to rectify as stereotyping. These latter causes are shared by all unsuccessful students, First Nations or not. For instance, a study done by the Department of Indian Affairs in 1997 compared economically equivalent, small, rural, First Nations and non-First Nations communities. The study showed academic achievement in both communities was much lower than urban communities: both groups being equally affected by their social economic condition. There was one significant difference between the First Nations and the non-First Nations communities: many more First Nations students did not complete school. This tells us that the impact of poverty on academic outcomes is common to all, but what is not common is that the First Nations students are not convinced by either the school system or their communities that school is useful to them. It may be that First Nations students do not see sufficient career opportunities to justify continuing their education. A local survey of First Nations secondary students does suggest that their expressed career aspirations are not too dissimilar from the general student population, even if the range of choices is somewhat truncated. First Nations students have their dreams, and express them well. The same survey showed that like most other students, they take full responsibility for their successes and failures at school, tending to blame themselves when things go wrong. One thing not common to the majority population is the larger percentage of First Nations students arriving at secondary school with poor language and mathematics skills, and the difficulty they have with this deficiency. Once again, it is just as likely that unsuccessful non-First Nations students with similar deficits are just as discouraged as First Nations students, and just as often abandon school in spite of their aspirations. As we will note in our report, the data seems to suggest that if the deficit in academic skills were to be rectified, students would more likely hold to their expressed aspirations and stay with school regardless of social and economic factors outside of school. The report points out, too, that there is research showing that the way schools support First Nations students at risk is not as effective and sensitive to need as teachers believe. A more proactive relationship with First Nations families, a different kind of participation of classroom teachers in the support process, and more flexibility in the application of procedures related to student responsibilities are implied by the research. There are also traditional organizational ways, particularly in secondary schools in need of change if First Nations students, and all other students unable to keep up with school obligations are to stay in the system.
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